Questions/Answers/More Questions re: Prop 8

I’ve been loathe to write anything regarding Proposition 8 because it is so personal and controversial an issue to many, myself included.  Jose convinced me, however, that if we can’t talk about social issues on a sociology blog, then we’ve surely gone wrong somewhere.  What follows are some of the questions about and objections to same-sex marriage that I typically get from students or colleagues, and my thoughts.  Being that much of it is personal opinion, I gladly invite all intelligent discourse that follows. 

Won’t allowing gay couples to wed make “a mockery of marriage” or in some way cheapen it for the rest of us?

I personally do not feel this is so, but people’s subjective reactions are not - or at least, should not be - at issue here (the issue, rather, is what is “right,” as elusive as that may be).  Many people have been allowed to “sully” the institution without penalty - myself, I blame Elizabeth Taylor (and other celebrities of her ilk); Hollywood has made more a mockery of marriage than any homosexual I know.  Indeed, one might reasonably suggest to simply remove the right to marry from anyone who has done so multiple times; that is, if you’ve already failed at being married (say, twice) and want to do it again, perhaps you shouldn’t be allowed the privilege.  I don’t personally disagree with this recommendation; I just know better than to try and legislate it.

Who is making a mockery of marriage seems to be a fairly fluid concept historically, and the answer is nearly always driven by an underlying ideology that the group in question is not deserving of the same rights as others.  Marriage may have suffered a number of insults at the hands of various peoples throughout time - everyone, apparently, from the Jews to the Blacks - but it nevertheless remains the overwhelmingly modal choice for Americans.  The right to wed should not be denied to certain individuals because others do not care to belong to the same group as them (i.e., “married persons”).  This is not equality or justice.

Is marriage even a right?

The 14th Amendment, section 1, promises that no State shall make or enforce any law which shall abridge the privileges or immunities of citizens of the United States; nor shall any State deprive any person of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law; nor deny to any person within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws. I don’t feel it’s a terrible stretch to imagine that these definitions of “liberty,” “due process,” and “equal protection” are meant to apply to gay Americans the same as anyone else.

In fact, Meyer v. Nebraska (1923) concluded that liberty “denotes not merely freedom from bodily restraint but also the right of the individual to contract, to engage in any of the common occupations of life, to acquire useful knowledge, to marry, establish a home and bring up children, to worship God according to the dictates of his own conscience, and generally to enjoy those privileges long recognized at common law as essential to the orderly pursuit of happiness by free men.” (see http://caselaw.lp.findlaw.com/cgi-bin/getcase.pl?navby=case&court=us&vol=262&page=399 ).

Isn’t Proposition 8 merely a “correction,” since Proposition 22 (defining the union of man and woman as the only valid form of marriage) was passed by a majority vote in 2000?

Can we and should we go against the “popular vote” when it comes to a civil rights issue?  It was a four-to-three decision by Supreme Court Judges in May of this year that overturned Proposition 22, stating that all laws directed specifically against gays and lesbians were “subject to strict judicial scrutiny” and that marriage was a fundamental right under the California Constitution (see re Marriage Cases, http://www.courtinfo.ca.gov/opinions/archive/S147999.PDF). Proponents of 8 say, “see? The people spoke, but then a very biased set of judges decided it was okay for them to change things.” As it happens, that’s exactly what I hope our Supreme Court judges do. When they see a civil rights violation, they move to correct it.

Why do you keep talking about this as though it is a civil rights issue?

Take the following example: In 1958, a White man and a Black Woman were married; shortly afterwards, a grand jury issued an indictment charging them with violating Virginia’s ban on interracial marriages. They plead guilty and were sentenced to one year in prison, but the trial judge offered that they might forgo this punishment if they simply left Virginia and not return. He said,

Almighty God created the races white, black, yellow, malay and red, and he placed them on separate continents. And but for the interference with His arrangement there would be no cause for such marriages. The fact that He separated the races shows that He did not intend for the races to mix.

This sounds suspiciously familiar: simply replace the races with the genders, and voila!  We have the familiar argument that God meant for men to marry women, and but for the interference with His arrangement, there would be no cause for such marriages.

Furthermore, had someone taken a popular vote at the time, they would have had no difficulty passing a Proposition in Virginia stating that the only recognizable form of marriage ought to be between Whites. This, however, did not sit well with a couple of Supreme Court judges, who in 1967, ruled that this decision – and indeed, Virginia’s policy of preventing marraiges between persons “solely on the basis of racial classifications” was “held to violate the Equal Protection and Due Process Clauses of the Fourteenth Amendment.” I’m sure this upset a number of people at the time, and went against the popular sentiment, but it was clearly the right thing to do (see Loving v. Virginia, http://caselaw.lp.findlaw.com/scripts/getcase.pl?court=US&vol=388&invol=1).

This decision was – amazingly – only 50 years ago now, but the people then were wrongheaded, uptight, and biased, and it required the unwanted interference of the law to contravene the people’s desires and set things right.

Massachusetts, of course, has already legalized gay marriage. In 2003, their Supreme Judicial court ruled that their state Constitution “affirms the dignity and equality of all individuals” and “forbids the creation of second-class citizens.” They felt that the state had no “constitutionally adequate reason” for denying marriage to same-sex couples on the ground of due process and equal protection (see Goodridge v. Department of Public Health, http://fl1.findlaw.com/news.findlaw.com/cnn/docs/conlaw/goodridge111803opn.pdf). This month, Connecticut will follow suit, having ruled in October that denying gays the right to marry was against the equality and liberty rules in the Connecticut state constitution, as well. I want no “second-class citizens” in California, either.

How do you know that allowing same-sex marriage won’t have destructive, far-reaching repercussions that we can’t possibly understand or predict? 

It would certainly be interesting to look at the statistics regarding heterosexual marriage rates in Massachusetts since 2003 for a clue to our future; at this writing, the census information is available by written request (but not online). However, it is ethnocentric of us to forget that there are other countries than the U.S. in which same-sex marriage or partnership rights have existed for up to fifteen years. Studies regarding the impact of gay marriage in Scandinavian countries and the Netherlands, for example, have been conducted; one University of Massachusetts economics professor reports that previously existing trends in marriage, divorce, cohabitation, and out-of-wedlock childbearing did not change as a result. In fact, heterosexual marriage rates in Denmark increased after the adoption of same-sex marriage and are now the highest they have been since the early 1970s. Divorce rates remained the same in the countries studied. Further, the majority of families with children were headed by married couples (see  http://www.aclu.org/getequal/ffm/section1/1c13slate.pdf and http://www.nytimes.com/2005/06/19/magazine/19ANTIGAY.html?pagewanted=all). Belgium, Canada, Norway, South Africa, and Spain have all legalized gay marriage; I suppose the eventual long-range impact of this decision remains to be seen, but we have no evidence thus far that these countries are suffering as a direct (or even indirect) result of it.

In my eyes, the bottom line is that it doesn’t matter what the repercussions might be. At one point in our history, the marriage of one black slave to another was not recognized - because they were lesser than us, we felt, and we had a right to decide whether or not their love for one another was sufficiently acceptable in the eyes of God (and Us). And I’m pretty sure that that’s wrong. We will not, I promise you, find ourselves in a world where everyone wants to be homosexual so desperately that human beings will cease getting married to members of the opposite sex and having children, thus threatening our very existence as a species. And short of that… I can think of no outcome that isn’t an acceptable consequence for providing equal treatment under the law.

God says homosexuality is wrong.

It seems clear to me that what this eventually amounts to, when distilled to its most basic level, is an attempt to force one’s religious beliefs on the rest of society. I know that it is naïve to imagine that we live in a country where Church and State are actually separate, but such a separation is nevertheless a stated goal of our Constitution. Yet if we surveyed proponents of Prop 8, it seems clear that the main reasons for its support would be based in conceptions of God’s will. Indeed, the LA Times recently reported that some 43% of the funding for Prop 8 came from Mormon donators, at the strong urging of the Mormon Church (see http://latimesblogs.latimes.com/lanow/2008/10/now-the-mormon.html). So we have people making civil rights decisions and impeding upon the freedoms of others based upon their religious convictions.  I understand that to some degree, it becomes impossible to separate one’s belief system from one’s decision-making process, but this instance is neither subtle nor unconscious in nature.

The interesting thing to me about all of this is that people don’t have as firm a stance, as detailed a plan, or as vested an interest in how society ought to deal with the poor, the sick, or the hungry… yet there are hundreds of verses in the New Testament alone that explicitly talk about this. In contrast, there are only a handful of Bible verses that might conceivably be interpreted as relating in any way to homosexuality. So why is this issue at the forefront? And while people have ever pointed to the Bible as support for their discrimination against all sorts of groups of people, this is always the wrong decision. 

I am not particularly religious, but I believe an appropriate verse might be Matthew 7:4, “how wilt though say to thy brother, ‘let me pull the splinter out of thine eye’ when a plank is in thine own?”

Diversity Troubles

In The Trouble with Diversity, Walter Benn Michaels makes a provocative case against the elevation of cultural diversity, or respect and appreciation for different groups, over class concerns. This argument draws upon the classic American Exceptionalism argument that American society differs from Europe in that it lacks a class consciousness. Benn-Michaels adds an interesting twist: he argues that diversity, as we practice it on college campuses, is complicit in masking class inequality by encouraging us to focus on important, but less controversial aspects of cultural difference (food and holidays for instance) while ignoring the growing income inequality in the United States:

We love race — we love identity — because we don’t love class…..for 30 years, while the gap between the rich and the poor has grown larger, we’ve been urged to respect people’s identities — as if the problem of poverty would be solved if we just appreciated the poor.

I’ve written a bit about how our current understanding of diversity emphasizes tolerance at the expense of broader civic obligations to work across group boundaries to solve vexing civic problems like poverty and inequality. The result is we develop a keen appreciation that difference exists in society, but have no incentive to address what Cathy Cohen calls “cross-cutting” issues — those that affect groups across identity categories and are thus require cross-group mobilization.

What do you think? Where does race stand vis-a-vis class in terms of an identity that affects life chances for individuals in American society? Do we emphasize group acceptance at the expense of class-based concerns? Can we do both? Why don’t we? Should we?

Exit Poll Meth?

In order to take the edge off of my poll watching withdrawal, I’ve gone back to one of my favorite poll-meth (I would be dating myself to call it crack?) dealers… Nate Silver’s Fivethirtyeight blog has a nice breakdown of Obama’s performance among a range of demographic groups compared to Kerry in 2004.obama 08 vs. kerry 04

Obama outperformed Kerry in every demographic except seniors, gays and lesbians and “other” religions. What’s most astounding is the breadth of his gains. He made gains among liberals, moderates and conservatives. Which begs a question we discussed in our thick culture podcast today (coming soon!) — do campaigns even matter? Did the lousy economy and unpopularity of President Bush preordain a Republican victory this year? If you’re making gains in groups all along the ideological spectrum, does it really matter what you’re saying?

dr. google tracks the flu

Those Google folks are just brilliant, aren’t they? In yet another moment of insight about human behavior, Google Trends has developed a map to track rises and falls in flu-related searches by location, working off the assumption that people suffering from the flu are more likely to search for information about it. One can track the total volume of flu search, study a national map of flu search trends, or enter your zip code and learn about local trends.
While it is unclear how accurately such a map can track the spread of flu, it potentially offers a powerful public health tool. I can’t get over what a clever use of search data this is.

Let’s think of the next big thing! What are some other forms of internet data that (if made public) could be of great value to the public interest?

Is “Black Politics” Over? For Real?

Matt Bai wrote this piece a few months back where he makes the argument that Obama’s candidacy signals the end of black politics. he references a new ethos among post civil-rights era African-American politicians that resist being pigeonholed as “simply” black. These younger African-American politicians, like Artur Davis (U.S. Rep. Alabama), Harold Ford (former U.S. Rep. Tennessee), Corey Booker (Mayor Newark, NJ), Deval patrick (Governor - Massachusetts), tend to be Ivy League educated and, to use the language of diversity, effective at “cultural switching” - the ability to be conversant in a diverse number of cultural settings.

This “vanguard” of Black politician doesn’t see their rise to power as uniquely tied to the black community so they don’t feel obligated to serve that community’s interests exclusively. As Corey Booker explains in the Bai piece:

“I don’t want to be pigeonholed,” he said. “I don’t want people to expect me to speak about those issues.” By this, presumably, he meant issues that revolve around race: profiling by police, incarceration rates, flagging urban economies. “I want people to ask me about nonproliferation. I want them to run to me to speak about the situation in the Middle East.” Since the mayor of Newark is rarely called upon to discuss such topics, I got the feeling that Booker does not see himself staying in his current job for anything close to 20 years. “I don’t want to be the person that’s turned to when CNN talks about black leaders,” he said.

Politicians like Booker aren’t intending to deny their race. Rather they are challenging what it means to be “raced” in fundamental ways. In this passage, he seems to suggest that “blackness,” at least for middle-class blacks, is becoming what Mary Waters famously called an “optional ethnicity”

Even so, Booker told me that his goal wasn’t really to “transcend race.” Rather, he says that for his generation of black politicians it’s all right to show the part of themselves that is culturally black — to play basketball with friends and belong to a black church, the way Obama has. There is a universality now to the middle-class black experience, he told me, that should be instantly recognizable to Jews or Italians or any other white ethnic bloc that has struggled to assimilate. And that means, at least theoretically, that a black politician shouldn’t have to obscure his racial identity.

In Booker’s first run for Newark mayor against Sharpe James, his “in between-ness” for lack of a better term was a major obstacle in his election. This excerpt from Streetfight, a wonderful film chronicling the first Booker-James mayor’s race highlights the contradistinction between “old” and “new” politics.

It does say something revealing that Booker lost this bid to be mayor of Newark (although he won his second). Similarly, is says something that Obama lost his first Congressional race in Chicago to Bobby Rush, a former Black Panther. In both cases, the “new politics” candidate was painted as an ivy-league outsider who didn’t understand the predominantly African-American community they were running to represent.

I don’t agree with Bai that we’re at an end in identity politics. What I think it means is that identity politics will have to be employed in more sophisticated, less transparent ways to be effective. Bill Clinton serves as an object lesson in how not to play identity politics.

This ham-handed effort to racialize Obama only allowed him to portray himself as “above” the old politics of racial division. If you recall, his gauzy South Carolina primary victory speech, the subject of the celebratory Wil-I-Am song, is what sling-shot him into Super Tuesday. This here’s good identity politics.

This “new” identity politics is defined by pivoting from identity to talk about transcending identity. “We are one America” only has resonance if you’re speaking from the experience of someone who has historically been viewed as part of the “other” America. This speech wouldn’t work very well if it was John McCain making it.

What do you think about Bai’s argument?

The Web 2.0 Election

Don has a thought-provoking post on the use of Facebook in mass-interpersonal persuasion.  In a post-lection analysis at CLU, José brought up the idea of how Obama created what is tantamount to a social movement using web 2.0 tools.  I was reading a US News article on the use of YouTube in the 2008 campaign and couldn’t help but recall the ParkRidge47 spectacle from early 2007 and the role of viral multimedia in politics and mass-interpersonal interaction.  In this video, the creator, Phil de Vellis, talks about how politicians should inspire content and how his Vote Different mashup went viral despite his posting anonymity.

The rise of political video watching is evident from Pew Research Center figures, going from 24% in December of 2007 to 39% in late October.  What I find interesting is how video is being used by both the public and the candidates.  The USNews article talks about how Obama’s campaign posted on YouTube a rebuttal to clips of Rev. Wright’s inflammatory remarks going viral, which were being used against Barack.  Obama Girl, the Yes We Can video, and Obama Art are all examples of Web 2.0 tools of video sharing and blogs being used to create meaning.  Add into the mix, the fourth estate (the press) with conservative Glenn Beck posting a video on the Obama National Anthem.

José noted how the Obama campaign will be written up as a “how to” guide on Web 2.0 campaigning, but what will the Web 2.0 president look like?  Given the “social movement” created, will this foster a technologically-mediated interactive democracy or will it just be more clutter?  How will meaning and relevance be maintained and how will the Republicans use Web 2.0 to rebuild?

Facebook, Mass Interpersonal Persuasion, and the Public Sphere

There is some remarkable new research out on the persuasive dynamics of Facebook. Stanford researcher BJ Fogg argues that a new form of persuasion has emerged in the structure of Facebook, namely, “mass interpersonal persuasion. . . . This phenomenon brings together the power of interpersonal persuasion with the reach of mass media.” In particular, Facebook has brought together six dynamics of persuasion for the first time in history, such as an automated structure, rapid cycle, and measured impact—in a way that goes far above and beyond what is often called “viral adoption” (www.bjfogg.com/mip.pdf). Weiksner, Fogg, and Liu also find another six patterns of persuasion in more specific Facebook applications, such as provoke and retaliate, reveal and compare, and expression (some of which are native to Facebook)—which invoke many persuasive norms such as “reciprocity,” “cognitive dissonance,” and “social proof” (www.springerlink.com/index/20652047j6801376.pdf).

I believe that mass interpersonal persuasion and the confluence of these influential techniques bear heavily upon the design and articulation of future public sphere activities. While there is much about Web 2.0 worth critiquing, we might remain critically hopeful about the possibilities for Facebook to create online cultures of trust and risk that perform valuable functions for deliberative democracy. Running through Facebook’s post-election newsfeeds, I noticed the remarkable degree to which many people engaged their online friends, of many political persuasions, in discussions over the results. Even when some of this communication was quite divisive, people still carved out an interactive space for engagement. Beyond my own experience, however, there are two connections I would like to make between Facebook and the public sphere.

First, in ideal public spheres individuals should be able to talk in an “unrestricted fashion” about matters of general interest—and these arenas are instantiated through conversation “in which private individuals assemble to form a public body” (Habermas). There are thus some bounded communicative conditions that individuals commit themselves to in order to democratically advance as much of the public interest as possible. In the same way, when Fogg mentions that Facebook makes it easy to build a “high-trust culture” due to a number of agreements and assumptions users make when joining and using the service, we can see that the structure of Facebook appears to lay the groundwork for communicating upon which much public sphere activity relies.

Second, what Fogg terms “automated structure” evidences how Facebook sets in motion persuasive experiences. As he puts it, “computer code doesn’t take a vacation or go on coffee breaks.” As such, this is one place where I see Facebook perhaps promoting civic engagement even more than, say, face-to-face communication. Facebook actually encourages members to further online interaction without their having to do anything. We’ve all been to public meetings where someone forgets to send out the minutes afterward, or follow up with an important e-mail to the group. Facebook has no such qualms, its computer codes make sure that we receive news of important events, and can even see public conversations occurring between others in ways unrestricted by the demands of time and space. If someone else joins a group protesting global human trafficking, they don’t need to tell others that they have joined, Facebook structures the experience in such a way that everyone will rapidly receive the message. 

Again, there is undoubtedly a dark side to online social networking sites (see much of the popular press lately), which still needs much further theoretical elucidation. Yet in the face of several democratic patterns emerging in online networking, it seems rhetorically productive to consider not only how Web 2.0 might be supplementing other forms of communication (such as face-to-face), but may in a few important respects, be advancing beyond them. – Don Waisanen 
 

Aren’t We the Change We’ve Been Waiting For?

TechPresident posts on change.gov, a website the Obama campaign has created to encourage a more open, participatory governing process. The site contains the standard fare, like a “share your vision” site where you can post your vision for the country. The site, of course, also has a blog where I’m sure the president-elect will comment on the latest spat on The View or who Miley Cyrus is dating.

What concerns me about this site is that it is set up to provide the appearance of a participatory culture without much of an infrastructure to deliver on that promise. How do you go from collecting “visions for America” from random posters to leveraging the “wisdom of the crowds” to produce better policy outcomes? There are innovative ways to get citizens directly involved. One exciting example of this is publicmarkup.org, a wiki site that allows users to markup legislation as if they were committee members. This process of self-aggregating public input is more likely to lead to direct citizen input. Another interesting experiment is the Future Melbourne project (HT: TechPresident). Where citizens were asked to contribute input to the Australian city’s master plan directly by making changes to it on a wiki.

These projects do not guarantee direct citizen input, but if the campaign is serious about being more collaborative in its governance, and there’s no reason to suggest that they aren’t, there are more sophisticated tools they could be using to leverage the power of citizen input.

more political culture in ads

I couldn’t resist posting this as a follow-up to my previous note about the use of political culture in advertising. On my Gmail today, I saw a link that said, “Michelle Obama in J.Crew® - www.JCrew.com - Get the Look Michelle Obama Wore on The Tonight Show Only from J.Crew.” Clicking through it brought me to this page:

Michelle Obama Ad

Michelle Obama Ad

This is a very clever use of Michelle Obama’s mention of wearing J. Crew clothes. It seems to be capitalizing on her status as a new style icon (a la Jackie O). Also, it’s an interesting example of our gendered ideas about what products are associated with a male vs. female public figures. Somehow I don’t imagine that President-Elect Obama would be found discussing his clothes on Jay Leno or have his outfits available for purchase at popular retailers.

Bad Academic Punditry v2.0

José offered up observations that the Presidential race might tighten up.  I’ve been thinking that the election is likely to be closer than the polls are indicating.  One hunch of mine that explains the discrepancy is that those supporting a candidate losing momentum are less likely to participate in a poll, along the lines of CORFing (cutting off reflected failure), but in this case it’s cutting off impending doom.  I also wonder how many people who didn’t even vote will jump on the bandwagon after the election, claiming to have voted for Obama–Fauxbamamaniacs?

At any rate, I was in New York (Westchester) last week and read an article by John Heilemann in New York magazine on the next steps for Obama (with the assumption that he will win) and what the margins will be in the House and Senate.  Heilemann notes how Bill Clinton’s first 100 days were chaotic and while Bill also had a Democratic House and Senate, he suffered from a lack of legitimacy in Congress.  Obama, on the other hand, is highly strategic and has a transition plan in the works and will be working with Reid and Pelosi who are likely to need him more than the other way around.

This got me thinking about what I think the political landscape will look like in 2009.   I had my marketing students create electoral map predictions, but unfortunately I saw this compilation on PoliticalMaps after class:

My prediction isn’t all that exciting or controversial (Obama 349:McCain 189).  I see Indiana as going for Obama, due to Lake County in the NW outside of Chicago.  I see the undecideds going for McCain in NC and McCain taking Missouri.  The one’s I’ll be watching are Florida, Virginia, and Ohio, representing 56 electorals.  If Obama loses these states, he would still win, but with less of a “mandate.”   I’ll also be looking for the Ron Paul factor in Montana, but I’m dubious.
I don’t see the Democrats getting the 60 Senate seats they would love to have to be filibuster-proof.  I see a +8 pickup with Franken (MN) and Hagan (NC) squeaking by.  The House it currently at 236-199 and I think the Democrats will add 15 to 18 seats to their majority.  The interesting races (to me) are CA-4 and CO-4 , races in fairly rural districts with candidates who have clear ideological differences.